Cairo's Urban Inequality: A Social History of Segregation, Housing, and Class Division

This is a selected section from my research on social classism in Egypt : Full Research available here

Chapter 1 : The Roots for social classist Cairo

“The poor man in Egypt has become a two dimensional, almost fictional character. On the other hand, ‘real’ poverty is even more hidden, due to the increased segregation, classism, and isolation taking place across the city with the spread of gated residential compounds. The humanity and suffering of the poor, the vast majority of Egyptian society, has become nothing more than background noise to the upper and middle classes. The poor man in Egypt has become no more than a two dimensional, almost fictional character.” (Mandour, 2015)

Egypt has a long practice with urban segregation, a clear-cutting line between the rich and the poor, the city of Cairo is built on fundamentally social classist scheme, Cairo was founded by the Fatimid dynasty in 969 AD. “Fatimid Cairo was a walled city exclusively established for the ruling elite. In the Ottoman period (1517-1798), a Hara, mainly a gated residential quarter, was the basic urban unit of the city. Poor harat were located on the peripheries, while the wealthy bourgeois could be found in the centre.[1] In the Mamluk period, emirs would cluster around the outskirts of the city and surrounded their houses with gardens to segregate themselves from the citizens. Then the Khedivial city (1869), which was intended mainly for foreigners and wealthy Egyptians, was erected on vacant land west of the old city” (Elsayed, H. and Nessem, H., 2021, p. 635).

On the road of development, Egypt’s rising population has been an active factor for its economical struggles especially in the housing sector.[2] Shortly after Egypt gained its initial independence in 1922, The economic downturn experienced during the late 1920s and 1930s, commonly known as the Great Depression, significantly affected global economies, including Egypt's. Characterised by widespread unemployment, economic hardship, and diminished investment, the Depression had a profound impact on industrialization initiatives in Egypt which led to a sudden shift from rural to urban after industrialization of the capital city that created a significant population growth during the early 20th century, particularly in urban areas. Rapid urbanization, driven by factors such as industrialization and rural-to-urban migration, contributed to the housing crisis as in cities like Cairo and Alexandria saw a surge in population as people moved from rural areas in search of employment opportunities post industrialization, The urban population has raised from 17.2% in 1907 to 26.9% in 1927 according to ( Arab Republic of Egypt, Central Agency for Public Population, Housing, and Establishment Census 1986 (Pr1987), Tables 1-3). This increase in population placed pressure on the housing sector. (Hawash, 2007)

In the 1930s, Egypt was undergoing an anticolonial struggle against British rule, which had been established in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The Egyptian anticolonial movement during this period was marked by various forms of resistance, including political activism, protests, and nationalist movements (Salem, 2019), this is when co-operative housing was first established as part of various movements, including the anti-colonial struggle, these housing cooperatives were often initiated by individuals with some degree of support from the government or state institutions hence , co-operative housing  played a significant role in addressing housing issues and providing collective solutions for housing needs in Egypt (Sanjinés, 2018). On the political side the struggle for independence gained momentum throughout the 1930s, culminating in increased nationalist fervour and demands for self-governance, this era is marked as pre-Nasserism. (Mansfield, 1973)

Nasserism refers to the political ideology and governing principles associated with Gamal Abdel Nasser, who served as the second President of Egypt from 1956 to 1970. Nasserism emerged as a prominent force in Egyptian and Arab politics during the mid-20th century it has noticeably embraced socialist principles and called for the redistribution of wealth, land reform, and state-led economic development. Nasser implemented policies aimed at industrialization, nationalization of key industries, and social welfare programs to improve the standard of living for Egyptians. (Lenczowski, 1965)

Chapter 2: Literature review

2.1: Oriental - European Cairo

Mounira Soliman (2011) highlights the social segregation roots of downtown Cairo, drawing upon narratives that portrayed Wust-al-balad as a double city, reflecting the socio-economic divide between the expatriate community and the average Egyptian. The absence of Egyptian voices in these accounts underscored an orientalist perspective that viewed Cairo as a divided space, with the expatriate community dominating the urban landscape. Stanley Lane-Poole's depiction of Azbakiyya, for instance, emphasised the eminently European character of the area, further reinforcing the exclusionary nature of Wust-al-balad. Debate ensued regarding the origins of this segregation, with some attributing it to deliberate urban planning efforts by Egyptian rulers like Ismail and Mohamed Ali, while others pointed to British interference and their desire to create an exclusive, micro-colonial enclave within Cairo. Mohamed Ali's demolition of medieval structures and the banning of traditional mashrafiyyas in favour of glass windowpanes reflected efforts to modernise the city and accommodate European tastes. [3]  However, initiatives such as Muski Street and Azbakiyya Gardens aimed to bridge the gap between old and new Cairo, albeit temporarily. The British occupation exacerbated the social segregation in Wust-al-balad, as the area became increasingly associated with the expatriate community, catering primarily to British and foreign residents while excluding the average Egyptian. This exclusivity widened the gap between old and modern Cairo, as resources and efforts were disproportionately allocated to the newer areas, leading to the deterioration of old Cairo. Douglas Sladen's commentary in "Oriental Cairo: The City of the 'Arabian Nights'" highlighted the colonialist and orientalist attitudes underpinning this social segregation, underscoring the entrenched inequalities present in Cairo's social fabric during this period. In essence, the development of Wust-al-balad during the British occupation perpetuated a social divide that marginalised the Egyptian populace (Soliman, 2011).

2.2: Elite societies 

To study the elite societies, a look into the history of Maadi, a Cairo suburb, offers valuable insights into broader Egyptian societal dynamics. Samir Raafat's comprehensive book: Maadi 1904-1962; History & Society in a Cairo Suburb meticulously documents the evolution of this planned suburban neighbourhood, Raafat's work provides a nuanced understanding of Maadi's social, economic, and cultural fabric, shedding light on its enduring legacy within the broader context of Egyptian history Through oral history and archival research. The book delves into Maadi's social stratification, elucidating the lifestyles of its diverse inhabitants. From the high-class gatherings at the Maadi Ladies Guild to the tranquil ambience of the golf course inspired by Monet's artistry, Maadi's residents navigated a complex tapestry of leisure and social engagement. Moreover, Raafat's exploration of Maadi's architectural evolution sheds light on its transition from a colonial outpost to a vibrant suburban community.

Another study into elite societies, a different one perhaps, Heliopolis , as Robert Ilbert questions the origin of Heliopolis ; is it a Colonial Enterprise and Town Planning Success, a new town built in the desert, through its origin as a colonial enterprise, its planning as a manifestation of individual dreams rather than a formal town-planning project, and its embodiment of the "Garden City" concept popular at the time. Initially met with scepticism, Heliopolis's successful implementation is now regarded as a remarkable achievement in town planning. Robert Ilbert states that the project demonstrated the feasibility of expanding urban areas beyond fertile zones, initially intended to provide affordable housing while yielding substantial profits. He draws attention that although Heliopolis had foreign characteristics, it was not perceived solely as a colonial town, as its design aimed more at providing modern amenities than forcing imperialist agendas. However, its imported appearance is evident in its urban structure, which centres around features like a grand hotel, cathedral, Christian churches, clubs, racecourse, and Luna Park, reflecting a blend of foreign influence and luxury living. Despite the incorporation of foreign elements, the development of Heliopolis did not prioritise autonomous forms of local development. (Robert Ilbert, 1984)  

2.3: Pre-Nasserism

written by Mercedes Volait she suggested that the aim of governmental intervention in the pre-Nasserism, was to stimulate the construction of affordable housing. This involved encouraging land development companies and major employers to take the lead in this effort. For instance, the Heliopolis Oasis Company implemented a significant subsidised housing scheme during 1920–1923, despite restrictions on urban expansion. Approximately 615 dwellings were constructed and rented at below-market prices to low-ranking government employees and local workers. This initiative also introduced new housing typologies, such as the four-apartment house with individual gardens. Furthermore, during World War II, the Misr textile group, established in 1927 to promote Egyptian industry, initiated the construction of large company towns. One notable example is Mahalla al-Kubra, developed in two phases from 1941 to 1947 and from 1946 to 1951. These company towns, designed by Egyptian architect ʿAli Labib Gabr and town-planner ʿAli al-Maligi Massaʿud, were regarded as exemplary housing solutions for industrial workers and epitomised modernity. In addition to dwelling units, these self-contained schemes included various modern amenities such as central restaurants, hospitals, markets, coffee shops, open-air cinemas, welfare centres, sporting fields, bathhouses, and automated laundry facilities. Yet the provision of housing for civil servants and industrial workers addressed only a fraction of the overall need. However, in the 1930s, as social reformers became increasingly vocal, attention shifted towards addressing the issue of slum clearance and providing healthy dwellings in both urban and rural areas. Despite the majority of the Egyptian population (75% in 1927) residing in rural areas under dire conditions, efforts were made to improve sanitation in villages. Regulations were enacted in 1933, and some progressive landowners constructed model villages, with recommended designs disseminated through publications and industrial fairs. (Volait, 2022)

2.4: Middle class

The paper by Esraa Mohsen Hamed, Lobna Sherif, Ahmed El Antably and Hala Barakat, aims to investigate the relationship between the production of apartments by the Heliopolis Company and the socio-demographic, economic, and political contexts in which these plans are developed. Through archival research and reference to pertinent literature, the study delves into the changes within the middle and upper-middle-class apartments constructed by the Heliopolis Company for Housing and Development, against the backdrop of shifts in Egyptian society. Heliopolis, situated in Cairo, Egypt, is renowned for its affluent status and rich architectural heritage. Over the course of the 20th century, the district has witnessed significant transformations in its residential landscape, reflecting the evolving socio-economic eras and corresponding modifications in apartment typologies, sizes, programs, and spatial organizations. Notably, the demographic makeup of Heliopolis residents, primarily comprising the middle class, has played a pivotal role in shaping the architectural fabric of the district.

Janet Abu-Lughod's seminal work highlights Heliopolis as a haven for the educated middle class, occupied predominantly by individuals holding managerial positions, affording them a comfortable standard of living. Against this backdrop, the paper seeks to unravel the architectural manifestations of residential buildings in Heliopolis throughout the 20th century, with a particular focus on middle-class apartments. central to the study's analytical objectives is the selection of middle-class apartments as representative architectural specimens, offering insights into the broader residential building phenomenon in Heliopolis. By tracing the evolution of domestic forms and housing patterns, the research aims to capture the essence of Heliopolis' architectural narrative and its symbiotic relationship with the middle-class residents it accommodated. In addition to architectural transformations, the paper examines the linguistic evolution evident in the annotation of plans, providing a nuanced understanding of the shifting cultural landscape across different time periods. These linguistic shifts serve as markers of broader socio-cultural changes, reflecting the dynamic interplay between local culture and architectural expression ‌ (Hamed, Sherif, Antably, and Barakat, 2019).

2.5: Post 1950s Cairo up to modern day

David Sim in his book, along with those of Abu-Lughod and Clerget, serves as significant markers along both temporal and demographic continuums. Clerget analysed a Cairo housing one million inhabitants in 1928, while Abu-Lughod examined a city burgeoning to approximately four million inhabitants by 1966.his book, positioned four decades later, scrutinises the same city, whose population burgeoned to over sixteen million inhabitants by 2006, marking another quadruple increase (Sim, 2010). Furthermore, he suggests that Cairo presents a complex tapestry of contradictions, notably conspicuous in its juxtaposition of conspicuous affluence and abject poverty. This dichotomy places Cairo in league with global counterparts like Lagos, Mumbai, or Mexico City. The city showcases a stark contrast between lavish displays of wealth, such as extravagant weddings where floral arrangements alone surpass the lifetime earnings of the average Egyptian, and the harsh realities of destitution and deprivation. Yet, beneath these surface contradictions lies a deeper truth common to many Third World capitals: the coexistence of affluent elites and marginalised masses, where the rich indulge in their fantasies while the poor struggle to subsist. Meanwhile, governmental authority, irrespective of its form, remains somewhat impotent in addressing these disparities. However, his book argues that Cairo has forged its own adaptive mechanisms and pathways for development, largely independent of governmental intervention. These mechanisms, often characterised as 'informal,' operate in symbiosis with, or even in defiance of, the state's limitations. Through this lens, Cairo's unique logics of accommodation and progress emerge, shedding light on the city's resilience and adaptability amidst broader socio-political challenges (Sim, 2010). Additionally, the academic study by Shawkat in the chapter Etymology of crisis, highlights the rarity of dramatised official responses to housing crises in films, as they often avoid direct criticism of the government. Instead, blame is typically placed on greedy landlords or developers. Despite public acknowledgment of housing issues by Egyptian presidents since the 1950s, official discourse has evolved, transitioning from terms like "homes problem" to "housing crisis" and later to "housing problem." This linguistic shift reflects changing governmental approaches to housing policy. The chapter delves beneath official discourse to examine policy papers and legislation aimed at addressing the housing problem over eight decades. Housing production data from the 1960s and tenure statistics from 1976 provide insights into the roles of different stakeholders, including the formal private sector, informal sector, and government, in shaping housing dynamics and policies. (Shawkat,2020)

Conclusion:

The literature reviews presented a comprehensive exploration of various time periods in relation to urban development, housing, and socio-economic dynamics in Cairo, Egypt. However, there are some notable gaps and areas that could benefit from further analysis and critique through this dissertation. Firstly, while the reviews acknowledge the existence of poverty and social inequality in Cairo, there is a lack of in-depth examination of the root causes and systemic issues perpetuating these problems. For instance, the discussion on the historical practices of urban segregation and classism provides valuable context, but it falls short of critically analysing how these factors continue to shape contemporary socio-economic structures in Cairo. Furthermore, there is a need for more nuanced discussions on the role of governmental interventions and policies in addressing housing challenges. While some reviews touch upon initiatives such as cooperative housing and subsidized housing schemes, there is limited analysis of their effectiveness, sustainability, and impact on different socio-economic groups. However, the dissertation delves into a more critical examination of the political, economic, and social motivations behind these interventions, as well as their implications for urban development and social equity. Lastly, there is a lack of intersectional analysis that considers the interconnectedness of factors such as government’s interference for the housing sector, poverty and inequality of income, and classism in shaping the urban landscape of Cairo. By overlooking these intersecting dynamics, the reviews may oversimplify the complex realities of housing inequality and exclusion in the city.

[1] Harat: The plural of Hara

[2] Egypt's housing crisis is closely linked to its population growth. Between 1897 and the mid-1990s, the population doubled twice, reaching an estimated fifty-six million. By the year 2000, it was projected to reach seventy-six million. The growth rate increased from 1.5% in the early 20th century to 2.5% in the 1950s, peaking in the 1960s-1970s. This rapid population increase, coupled with urbanization, led to high population density rates, particularly in cities like Cairo and Alexandria, where slum areas reached extremely high densities. (Feiler,1992)

[3] Mashrafiyyas: Traditional architectural element